Friday, January 28, 2011

Viewing cable 09CAIRO79, GOE STRUGGLING TO ADDRESS POLICE BRUTALITY

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Reference IDCreatedReleasedClassificationOrigin
09CAIRO79 2009-01-15 15:03 2011-01-28 00:12 CONFIDENTIAL Embassy Cairo
VZCZCXYZ0003
RR RUEHWEB

DE RUEHEG #0079/01 0151524
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
R 151524Z JAN 09
FM AMEMBASSY CAIRO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 1372
INFO RUEHXK/ARAB ISRAELI COLLECTIVE
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC
C O N F I D E N T I A L CAIRO 000079 
  
 SIPDIS 
  
 DEPARTMENT FOR NEA/ELA, DRL/NESCA, INL AND INR/NESA 
 NSC FOR PASCUAL AND KUTCHA-HELBLING 
  
 E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/15/2029 
 TAGS: PGOV PHUM KDEM EG
 SUBJECT: GOE STRUGGLING TO ADDRESS POLICE BRUTALITY 
  
 REF: A. 08 CAIRO 2431 
      ¶B. 08 CAIRO 2430 
      ¶C. 08 CAIRO 2260 
      ¶D. 08 CAIRO 783 
      ¶E. 07 CAIRO 3214 
      ¶F. 07 CAIRO 2845 
  
  
 Classified By: Ambassador Margaret Scobey for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d). 
  
 ¶1. (C) Summary and comment:  Police brutality in Egypt 
 against common criminals is routine and pervasive.  Contacts 
 describe the police using force to extract confessions from 
 criminals as a daily event, resulting from poor training and 
 understaffing.  Brutality against Islamist detainees has 
 reportedly decreased overall, but security forces still 
 resort to torturing Muslim Brotherhood activists who are 
 deemed to pose a political threat.  Over the past five years, 
 the government has stopped denying that torture exists, and 
 since late 2007 courts have sentenced approximately 15 police 
 officers to prison terms for torture and killings. 
 Independent NGOs have criticized GOE-led efforts to provide 
 human rights training for the police as ineffective and 
 lacking political will.  The GOE has not yet made a serious 
 effort to transform the police from an instrument of regime 
 power into a public service institution.  We want to continue 
 a USG-funded police training program (ref F), and to look for 
 other ways to help the GOE address police brutality.  End 
 summary and comment. 
  
 ------------------- 
 A Pervasive Problem 
 ------------------- 
  
 ¶2. (C) Torture and police brutality in Egypt are endemic and 
 widespread.  The police use brutal methods mostly against 
 common criminals to extract confessions, but also against 
 demonstrators, certain political prisoners and unfortunate 
 bystanders.  One human rights lawyer told us there is 
 evidence of torture in Egypt dating back to the times of the 
 Pharaohs.  NGO contacts estimate there are literally hundreds 
 of torture incidents every day in Cairo police stations 
 alone.  Egyptians are bombarded with consistent news reports 
 of police brutality, ranging from high profile incidents such 
 as accidental but lethal police shootings in Salamut and 
 Aswan this past fall (refs B and C) that sparked riots, to 
 reports of police officers shooting civilians following 
 disputes over traffic tickets.  In November 2008 alone, there 
 were two incidents of off-duty police officers shooting and 
 killing civilians over petty disputes.  The cases against 
 both officers are currently making their way through the 
 judicial system. 
  
 ¶3. (C) NGO and academic contacts from across the political 
 spectrum report witnessing police brutality as part of their 
 daily lives.  One academic at XXXXXXXXXXXX who is a member of the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) 
 policy committee told us of accompanying his sister to a 
 Cairo police station to report her stolen purse.  In front of 
 this academic, the police proceeded to beat a female suspect 
 into confessing about others involved in the theft and the 
 whereabouts of the stolen valuables.  A contact from an 
 international NGO described witnessing police beat the 
 doorman of an upscale Cairo apartment building into 
 disclosing the apartment number of a suspect.  Another 
 contact at a human rights NGO told us that her friends do not 
 report thefts from their apartments because they do not want 
 to subject "all the doormen" in the vicinity to police 
 beatings.  She told us that the police's use of force has 
 pervaded Egyptian culture to the extent that one popular 
 television soap opera recently featured a police detective 
 hero who beats up suspects to collect evidence. 
  
 ¶4. (C) Contacts attribute police brutality to poor training, 
 understaffing and official sanction.  Human rights lawyer 
XXXXXXXXXXXX XXXXXXXXXXXX XXXXXXXXXX 
 speculated that officers routinely resort to brutality 
 because of pressure from their superiors to solve crimes.  He 
 asserted that most officers think solving crimes justifies 
 brutal interrogation methods, and that some policemen believe 
 that Islamic law sanctions torture.  XXXXXXXXXXXX commented that a 
 culture of judicial impunity for police officers enables 
 continued brutality.  According to XXXXXXXXXXXX, "Police 
 officers feel they are above the law and protected by the 
 public prosecutor."  Human rights lawyer XXXXXXXXXXXX attributed police brutality against common 
 criminals, including the use of electric shocks, to the 
 problem of demoralized officers facing long hours and their 
 own economic problems.  He asserted that the police will even 
  
 beat lawyers who enter police stations to defend their 
 clients. 
  
 ----------------------- 
 Criminals and Islamists 
 ----------------------- 
  
 ¶5. (C) XXXXXXXXXXXX explained that since the GOE opened a 
 dialogue with formerly violent Islamists, such as the Islamic 
 Group, following the 1997 Luxor terrorist attacks, torture of 
 Islamists has decreased. XXXXXXXXXXXX  claimed that the GOE now treats Islamists better 
 than common criminals.  Some Islamist detainees are 
 "spoiled," he asserted, with regular access to visits from 
 friends and family, decent food and education.  Before the 
 Luxor attacks, XXXXXXXXXXXX commented, the government would torture 
 Islamist detainees on a daily basis. 
  
 ¶6. (C) Attorney XXXXXXXXXXXXXX commented that the GOE is more 
 reluctant to torture Islamists, including Muslim Brotherhood 
 (MB) members, because of their persistence in making public 
 political statements, and their contacts with international 
 NGOs that could embarrass the regime.  XXXXXXXXXXXX speculated that 
 the exception to this rule is when MB members mobilize people 
 against the government in a way the regime deems threatening, 
 such as the April 6 Facebook strike (ref D).  According to 
 XXXXXXXXXXXX, the MB-affiliated blogger and "April 6 Movement" member 
 XXXXXXXXXXXX whom police arrested November 20 (ref A) falls 
 into this category, and the GOE is probably torturing him to 
 scare other "April 6" members into abandoning their political 
 activities.  XXXXXXXXXXXX's assessment tracks with "April 6" member 
 XXXXXXXXXXXX's accounts of his own torture and the alleged 
 police sexual molestation of a female "April 6" activist this 
 past November (ref A).  Bloggers close to XXXXXXXXXXXX told 
 us that following his arrest he was tortured severely with 
 electric shocks and needed to be hospitalized, but that 
 security forces stopped the torture when he began 
 cooperating. 
  
 ---------------------------- 
 GOE Awareness of the Problem 
 ---------------------------- 
  
 ¶7. (C) Contacts agree that in the past five years, the 
 government has stopped denying that torture exists and has 
 taken some steps to address the problem.  However, contacts 
 believe that the Interior Ministry lacks the political will 
 to take substantive action to change the culture of police 
 brutality.  XXXXXXXXXXXX asserted that following alleged 
 standing orders from the Interior Ministry between 2000 and 
 2006 for the police to shoot, beat and humiliate judges in 
 order to undermine judicial independence, the GOE made a 
 political decision in 2007 to allow the courts to sentence 
 police officers to short prison terms.  XXXXXXXXXXXX described the 
 2007 Imad El-Kebir case as a turning point in influencing the 
 government to permit the sentencing of police officers. 
 (Note:  Per ref E, a court sentenced two police officers to 
 three years in prison in November 2007 for assaulting and 
 sodomizing bus driver Imad El-Kebir.  The case gained 
 notoriety after a cell phone video recording of the torture 
 was posted on YouTube.  End note.) 
  
 ¶8. (C) An estimated 13 cases of officers accused of brutality 
 are currently working their way through the courts, and 
 judges have handed down moderate sentences, usually the 
 minimum three-year prison term, against policemen over the 
 past few months, often for heinous crimes.  For example, in 
 October 2008, a court sentenced a policeman to three years in 
 prison for beating and drowning a fisherman.  In November 
 2008, a court sentenced two policemen to three years in 
 prison for hooking a man to their car and dragging him to his 
 death.  XXXXXXXXXXXXX characterized the sentences as 
 "light," in proportion to the crimes, but commented that any 
 prison sentences are an important development toward holding 
 the police responsible for crimes.  XXXXXXXXXXXX commented 
 that the prison sentences demonstrate that the GOE is 
 providing political space for judges to operate somewhat 
 independently, in response to criticism from foreign 
 governments and international NGOs.  XXXXXXXXXXXXX of the 
 Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights described the 
 sentences as important in drawing public attention to brutal 
 police crimes, and strengthening the hand of advocates who 
 call for reforming systemic problems within the police force. 
  
  
 ----------- 
 GOE Efforts 
 ----------- 
  
 ¶9. (C) Ambassador Ahmed Haggag, who is detailed from the MFA 
 as the coordinator for the UNDP Human Rights Capacity 
 Building Project, described for us the organization's efforts 
 to train the Interior and Justice Ministries and the Public 
 Prosecutor on human rights issues through lectures and 
 workshops.  Acknowledging that torture is a "problem, but not 
 a daily occurrence," Haggag said the UNDP trains police 
 officers on international human rights conventions, and is 
 trying to convince police officers to solve cases using 
 "legal and ethical means," instead of torture.  Haggag told 
 us he "doubts there is still torture against political 
 prisoners."  Staffers from the quasi-governmental National 
 Council for Human Rights described the council's workshops 
 for police officers where professors give lectures on human 
 rights law and prisoner psychology.  NGO contacts have 
 privately criticized the UNDP project as ineffective, 
 complaining that it has banned credible human lawyers from 
 giving lectures to the police because of their political 
 opposition to the NDP, and instead invites MOI officials 
 complicit in torture to give human rights presentations. 
  
 ¶10. (C) In late December 2008, the MOI announced it had 
 suspended 280 police officers for human rights violations and 
 fired 1,164 lower-ranking policemen for misconduct.  Our NGO 
 contacts doubted that the disciplinary actions were human 
 rights related, and speculated that the officers were 
 probably involved in taking bribes and other illegal 
 activity.  XXXXXXXXXXXX asserted that this announcement does 
 not amount to a serious MOI human rights policy.  XXXXXXXXXXXXX expressed skepticism over whether these disciplinary 
 actions will result in long-term positive changes, especially 
 in light of rumors that one of the officers sentenced in the 
 2007 El-Kebir sodomy case will rejoin the police force as 
 soon as he leaves prison. 
  
 ¶11. (C) Former senior Interior Ministry official Ihab 
 Youssef, Director of the NGO "The Police and the People for 
 Egypt" told us in late 2008 that his NGO did not receive many 
 proposals from the public in response to its solicitation for 
 ideas on developing projects to build trust between the 
 police and citizens.  Youssef said that the NGO's Facebook 
 site, which provides a forum for the public to complain about 
 the police, has generated more interest.  In September 2008, 
 Youssef publicly announced the formation of his NGO, which 
 counts establishment figures such as former FM Ahmed Maher 
 among its board members (ref C).  Youssef does not receive 
 GOE funding for the NGO, and has turned to private Egyptian 
 businesses to raise money.  Our NGO contacts have privately 
 dismissed Youssef's efforts as non-substantive "propaganda," 
 and in a recent magazine article, one of Youssef's own board 
 members, retired Ambassador Shoukry Fouad, criticized the NGO 
 as unsuccessful. 
  
 ------- 
 Comment 
 ------- 
  
 ¶12. (C) The GOE has not begun serious work on trying to 
 transform the police and security services from instruments 
 of power that serve and protect the regime into institutions 
 operating in the public interest, despite official slogans to 
 the contrary.  It seems that the government would have the 
 strongest interest in preventing future accidental shootings 
 of innocents, such as the Salamut and Aswan incidents that 
 resulted in riots.  We imagine that halting the torture of 
 common criminals, who are usually poor and voiceless, is 
 lower on the GOE's agenda.  We want to continue USG-funded 
 police training, and we will look for ways to help XXXXXXXXXXXX's NGO launch productive work. 
 SCOBEY

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